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February 10, 2006

Iran's View of the Nuclear Crisis

Sammy Salama

[Note: The following is Iran's view of the current nuclear crisis as depicted by Iranian sources and articulated by the Iranian leadership since 2003.]

Iran's position in the current nuclear crisis is both deep and complex; it can be described as a multi-pronged approach. First, Tehran argues that Iran is allowed under international law to conduct research and work on all aspects of the nuclear fuel cycle. Second, Iranian leaders insist that the country's nuclear aspirations and work are peaceful in nature and are not meant as a threat to other countries. Third, Iran maintains that the nuclear scientific progress is a popular national commitment with extensive domestic support. Fourth, Tehran contends that this crisis is politically motivated and directed by Iran's nemesis, the United States.

Iran has adamantly stated that as a member of the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), it is entitled to research and mastery of the full nuclear fuel cycle including mining, milling, conversion and enrichment. Tehran argues that as a sovereign nation, there is no reason why Iran should give up this right, and it is not up to other nations to dictate to Iran on this subject. According to its official position, Iran is seeking to master nuclear enrichment technology in order to produce electricity and become a producer and exporter of nuclear fuel, thereby relieving its domestic demand for oil; Iran has publicly asserted that its program is not meant for the creation of nuclear weapons.

In reiterating the peaceful nature of its program, Tehran has noted that weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are forbidden by Islam. As further proof, Tehran has pointed out that in spite of many years of intrusive inspections by the IAEA; the UN nuclear watchdog has failed to find a smoking gun pointing to a military nuclear program. To prove its trustworthiness, Iran claims that it has been cooperative with the IAEA, noting that it voluntarily agreed to sign and adhere to an additional protocol, which includes an intrusive inspections regime.

While Iran has admitted to procuring nuclear enrichment technology from the A.Q. Khan nuclear network, Tehran has also noted that this was done because it was denied this technology through other channels--despite the fact, according to Tehran, that such acquisition is permitted by the NPT. Iran has continued to argue that it is not a danger to its neighbors or any other country, unlike Iraq; Iran has not invaded or occupied any other country in the region. It is also not in violation of any United Nations resolutions.

Tehran contends that the United Stated and allies have initiated this standoff to deprive Iran of its legal right to domestically develop a full nuclear fuel cycle. Iran argues further that many countries are going along with Washington due to significant diplomatic pressure from the United States, and not because they view Iran as a threat to their security or interest. In essence, Tehran argues that this whole affair as a product of U.S. unilateralism, instigated after the United States decided to forcefully enter the Middle East in 2002. Prior to the build-up to the Iraq war, Tehran has argued, Iran's relations with the European countries had been favorable.

Iranians also argue that Western powers have been hypocritical in their tacit acceptance of the pursuit of Pakistan, India and Israel of nuclear weapons outside the NPT. These countries have not joined the treaty and do not adhere to any nuclear intrusive inspections. Tehran also points out that the United States supports both Israel and Pakistan militarily and financially, and Washington has just proposed a nuclear cooperation deal with India. Moreover, Iranian leaders hold that Western powers hostile to Iran will not be satisfied irregardless of any additional concessions from Tehran. Iran's voluntary signing of the IAEA additional protocol and commitment to the Paris Accord did not sooth western hostility; on the contrary, such actions appear to Iranian leaders to have emboldened anti-Tehran sentiments. Some in Iran even argue that the EU-3 (France, Germany and the United Kingdom) were using the Paris Accord and related negotiations as delaying tactics aimed at hindering Iran's mastery of the nuclear cycle.

One of the staples of Iran's policy is the promotion of nuclear research as national responsibility. Most people in Iran of all political and economic stripes view Iran's nuclear technology as a sign of scientific progress and achievement, and a matter of considerable national pride. Thus the Iranian government advocates that nuclear scientific progress is a popular national duty which has extensive domestic support. For that reason, Iran maintains that it will not be deterred from continuing to pursue its nuclear work and research.

Another reason for the domestic popularity of Iran's nuclear program is the overall sense of victimization, namely resulting from Iran's considerable losses in the Iran-Iraq war. This recent history plays a prominent role in shaping the strategic mind-set of Iran's current leadership, many of whom were veterans of the war with Iraq. Additionally, Iran's technological progress is meant to serve as a deterrent for Iran's potential enemies. Iran cannot rely on other countries or international treaties to safeguard its sovereignty. The Iranian leadership and population are reminded of this when they look at the 1980s and the war with Iraq. Baghdad--which invaded Iran--was armed and supplied by western powers. The Iran-Iraq war killed more than half a million Iranians. It also saw extensive use of chemical weapons on Iranians, killing up to 50,000. Iranian leaders have stated that "never again" will the Iranian people be a target of such aggression and mass slaughter.

When looking at the rhetoric used by the Iranian leadership to defend their current nuclear program and decry international attempts to stop their progress, getting Iran to compromise on the issue will be a significant challenge. Following the IAEA Board decision to report Iran's file to the UN Security Council, Iran has informed the IAEA that it will suspend voluntary adherence to the additional protocol and snap inspections, and have ordered the removal of surveillance measures from its facilities. However, Iran has yet to follow through on its previous promise to end all voluntary suspension of nuclear work and to resume enrichment. Such a move is likely approaching.


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