North Korea Special Collection
Russian Responses to the North Korean Crisis
By Cristina Chuen
Russian responses to the crisis in North Korea (DPRK) have ranged from
strong concern about proliferation of nuclear weapons to sympathy for the North
Korean viewpoint. After a slow initial reaction that included suggestions that
the United States was partially responsible for the crisis, the Russian
government became more engaged after North Korea announced its withdrawal from
the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) on January 10. The Russian executive
branch sees an opportunity to show Russia's relevance in a major
international crisis, and increase its involvement in northeast Asia. Although
Russia's direct influence over the DPRK is limited, the Russian government
is keen to broker a resolution to the crisis. Toward that end, it has developed
a "package solution" that calls for guaranteeing the security of the
DPRK and providing aid while ensuring that the Korean Peninsula remains free of
nuclear weapons. Russia has spoken out against the imposition of any sanctions
or taking up the issue in the United Nations Security Council, calling both
moves excessively provocative. Efforts by the Russian executive branch to
broker a solution are motivated by a desire to maintain Russia's role as a
global power and by real concerns over the prospect of a nuclear DPRK, but other
government actors such as the Ministry of Atomic Energy hope to gain economic
benefits from increased international assistance to North Korea. Russian
officials are united in the view that negotiations rather than confrontation are
crucial to resolving the issue, and that the Korean crisis is not sufficiently
urgent to warrant other solutions such as sanctions or the use of force.
Russia's Official Views and Actions
Despite some sympathy for the North Korean point of view, the Russian
executive branch recognizes its own security concerns and has opposed a nuclear
DPRK. On January 10, Russian President Vladimir Putin reaffirmed Russia's
position in favor of a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula and for maintenance and
reinforcement of the nonproliferation regime, saying that "our position on
this issue is steadfast and
unchangeable."[1]
The Russian government, however, does not share Washington's views on
how to ensure that the Korean Peninsula is free of nuclear weapons. It sees the
crisis as an opportunity to make itself relevant internationally by helping
broker a solution. This follows the pattern of Russian actions in the last
decade: Moscow has been quick to offer its services as a mediator in global
crises. Russia has tried for several years to ingratiate itself with North Korea
and to become more involved in northeast Asia. At the same time, the Russians
genuinely believe that the U.S. approach to Pyongyang is self-defeating.
According to Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksandr Losyukov, "history
has shown that pressure on North Korea has pitiful results, rather than solving
a problem."[2] He later added, "You
cannot achieve anything through accusations, pressure, or tight demands, not to
mention threats. That will only make it worse. The situation that has taken
shape is not just a technical issue, it is a political issue, which must be
first and foremost resolved by political and diplomatic means."
[3] The Russian government is sympathetic to
North Korean security concerns, referring elliptically to U.S. forces in South
Korea in statements such as "third countries are present in South Korea,
and North Koreans regard the possible presence of, say, nuclear weapons as an
obstacle in the settlement" of the
crisis.[4] Similarly, Russian Defense Minister
Sergey Ivanov said on January 6 that "subtle diplomacy" was needed,
and that North Korea should be given "unambiguous and strong guarantees of
security."
The official Russian position is that at present North Korea does not
possess nuclear weapons. Echoing the typical official line, Losyukov said that
nuclear programs did not necessarily imply weapons programs, and that
"nuclear energy, especially in North Korea's circumstances, is a
matter of life and death, a matter of survival," because "North
Korea does not have other energy
resources."[5] Russia's past
cooperation and continuing contact with North Korea would suggest that Russian
intelligence regarding North Korean weapons programs is probably quite good.
Russia may have made a political decision to disavow any knowledge of a North
Korean weapons program. However, Russia appears to have followed the Korean
program closely. The New York Times reported on January 20 that Russian
intelligence placed nuclear detection equipment inside the DPRK at the request
of the CIA in the 1990s to help track the North Korean nuclear weapons
program.[6] The Russian foreign intelligence
service quickly issued a denial that Russia had spied against North Korea, but a
spokesman neither confirmed nor denied the existence of nuclear monitors in the
Russian embassy in Pyongyang.[7]
Most Russians believe that the current crisis is largely the result of
actions taken (or not taken) by the Bush administration. Russian officials point
to delays in the construction of light-water reactors in the DPRK (but fail to
note that problems with Japanese funding and North Korean requirements for the
project slowed construction more than U.S. delays). Many Russians feel that the
United States has pushed North Korea into a corner. Instead of continuing the
Clinton policy of gradually lifting economic barriers and improving political
relations, the Bush administration branded the DPRK a member of the "axis
of evil," undermining those in North Korea that wanted reform. If
Pyongyang's actions were partly to blame, the Russian official position
has yet to acknowledge this.
Russia's official position towards the DPRK did harden after the
January 10 announcement that the country was withdrawing from the NPT. The
Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement "expressing the
hope that Pyongyang will listen to the unanimous opinion of the world
community... and make a choice in favor of the observance of the international
obligations assumed in the area of nonproliferation...." The statement
said that the DPRK announcement "aroused deep concern" in
Moscow.[8] Nonetheless, Putin noted that
"the DPRK leadership is leaving the door to negotiations open,"
emphasizing the Russian position that the crisis could be resolved
peacefully.[9]
The exact role of Russian state
actors in brokering a solution to the crisis remains unclear, as the Russian
Foreign Ministry has said that it would pursue diplomatic efforts to promote
dialogue "on a multilateral and bilateral" basis (the latter refers
to U.S.-Korean talks), but that it did not intend to act as a mediator between
North Korea and the United States.[10] This
supports North Korea's insistence on direct talks with the United States
and statements that it did not wish to speak with mediators about the nuclear
issue.
Nevertheless, Losyukov traveled to Pyongyang on January 16 to
present North Korean leader Kim Jong-il with a "package solution."
Russia's proposed solution to the crisis was reportedly discussed by
Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov, the U.S. Secretary of State, and the
foreign ministers of China, France, and the Republic of Korea during the second
week of January. The package includes maintaining the nuclear-free status of
the Korean Peninsula, strict observance of the NPT, and fulfillment of Agreed
Framework promises; conducting bilateral and multilateral talks with North Korea
that would produce security guarantees, and resuming humanitarian and economic
aid programs in North Korea.[11] According to
Losyukov, Kim "was interested ... and would study" the Russian
proposal, and would likely "find something he could use in the
plan."[12] Not all Russians agree on the
desirability of this solution. Some Russian scholars suggest that North Korea
is in fact developing nuclear weapons, while others argue that Moscow's
efforts amount to an appeasement of North Korea that would leave the world open
to further "nuclear blackmail" in the
future.[13]
While Russia has promoted
direct U.S.-North Korean talks, Moscow has opposed bringing the issue to the
Security Council. Russia has been particularly concerned that the United States
might propose the imposition of U.N. sanctions against the
DPRK.[14] U.S. Undersecretary of State John
Bolton stated on January 22 that the issue would be brought before the Security
Council by the end of the week, but the United States appears to have privately
assured China and South Korea that it would not seek sanctions. Russia had yet
to issue a response to Bolton's proposal.
Other Russian
Views
Most Russian parliamentarians are worried about the Korean
crisis, but have also questioned U.S. actions. Deputy Chairman of the Duma
Foreign Affairs Committee Konstantin Kosachev called North Korean plans to
revive a nuclear program extremely dangerous, but cautioned that one should not
"become too emotional... the most promising response, in my view, is
patient, consistent, and persistent work with Pyongyang," explaining that
"further intensification of the conflict is unproductive,"
[15] and suggesting that the United States was
intensifying the crisis. Duma Speaker Gennadiy Seleznev stated that "the
United States itself is at fault" for the North Korean resumption of work
on its nuclear power reactor. According to Seleznev, the United States had
failed to meet its Agreed Framework commitments, since construction of a
light-water reactor in the DPRK had not yet been
completed.[16] Similarly, leader of the
Narodnyy deputat (People's deputy) parliamentary group Gennadiy Raykov
believes that "this is all North Korea's business, and, besides, the
USA has not fulfilled its obligations,"
[17] while right-wing State Duma Vice Speaker
Vladimir Zhirinovskiy said that the DPRK, as an independent country, has every
right to develop any industry, and "nobody can forbid them to do it, every
country is acting on its own authority."
[18] Most recently, on January 20, State Duma
Vice Speaker Vladimir Lukin said that the United States was "partially
responsible" for the "DPRK decision to withdraw from the
NPT."[19]
On a somewhat different
note, Dmitriy Rogozin, chairman of the Russian Duma's International
Affairs Committee, argued that North Korea had made a mistake in demanding a
security guarantee from the United States, calling it a "propagandistic
threat" and suggesting that the United Nations should be the forum for
such a guarantee.[20] In a similar vein, Lukin
called the withdrawal from the NPT a "strategic mistake" on the part
of North Korea, and suggested that if North Korea did not soften its position,
Russia, China, South Korea, Japan, and the United States should meet to
coordinate their positions on the issue in order to bring the DPRK back into the
system of international controls on nuclear
weapons.[21]
The Russian Ministry of
Atomic Energy has followed its bureaucratic interests by soft-pedaling the
crisis. Although the ministry should have inside knowledge about North Korean
nuclear capabilities, Minister of Atomic Energy Aleksandr Rumyantsev has
declared on several occasions that the DPRK has no nuclear weapons, argued that
the United States has provoked North Korea, and suggested that Russia could take
over the construction of the nuclear power reactors in the DPRK. On December
27, the minister stated that the crisis concerning Korea's nuclear
facilities "emerged 10 years ago and has now reached its logical
conclusion,"[22] explaining the North
Korean action by saying that "... work on the construction of light-water
reactors has hardly been conducted."[23]
On January 10, Rumyantsev said that North Korea was 50 years away from creating
nuclear weapons, and later reiterated that "as far as we know the
situation with the nuclear program in North Korea, there are no weapons
technologies there."[24] Rumyantsev has
pointed out that North Korea has declared that its nuclear program is directed
to peaceful purposes. [25] U.S. estimates, on
the other hand, suggest that North Korea may already have one or two nuclear
weapons and could produce five or six more within six
months.[26] On January 9, U.S. Ambassador to
Moscow Alexander Vershbow said that Russia is in denial about the dangers posed
by North Korea's nuclear weapons
program.[27]
When asked about prospects
for cooperation with North Korea in the nuclear sphere, Rumyantsev noted on
December 27 that "Russia is always interested in broadening its presence
in the international market."[28] On
January 13, he added that "North Korea has the right to invite other
countries to build a nuclear power plant on its territory... [and] Russia may be
among these countries. It will be able to build a reactor on a turn-key-basis
within seven years."[29] The minister
suggested that Russian construction of nuclear power reactors might stabilize
the situation.[30] Russia has been interested
in constructing a reactor in the DPRK since the 1994 agreements, and has
regarded U.S. criticism of Russia's construction of a nuclear power plant
in Iran as a particular affront given the light-water reactor deal with the
DPRK. If construction of nuclear reactors resumes in North Korea, Russia
clearly hopes to be involved. It is unclear, however, who might fund such a
venture, or if Russia could join the South Korean firms already working on the
KEDO project.
Looking Ahead
Russia's future policy
toward North Korea will continue to emphasize the importance of a peaceful
resolution of the crisis and the importance of a nuclear-free peninsula.
Although it is promoting direct U.S.-Korean talks, Moscow will try to maintain
its role as a mediator, even if it does not use that term. Russia will try to
persuade Pyongyang to reach an agreement, but is unlikely to use its limited
leverage over North Korea openly. As noted above, Moscow believes that this
would be counter-productive. Instead, Moscow will push Washington to tone down
its rhetoric and offer North Korea diplomatic cover for backing off its present
position. If Washington offers assurances that it will not push for UN
sanctions against the DPRK, Moscow is likely to acquiesce to a Security Council
discussion of the crisis, and may take up Rogozin's call for a UN role in
guaranteeing North Korean security, a variant on the current "package
solution" Russia is promoting.
[1] Interfax, January 10,
2003.
[2] Interfax, December 16,
2002.
[3] Interfax, December 26,
2002.
[4] Interfax, December 16,
2002.
[5] Interfax, January 6,
2003.
[6] James Risen, "Russia Helped
U.S. on Nuclear Spying Inside North Korea," New York Times,
http://www.nytimes.com, January 20, 2003.
[7]
Andrey Lebedev, "Razvedka velas dlya TsRU, a ne protiv KNDR,"
Izvestiya online edition, http://www.izvestia.ru, January 21,
2003.
[8] Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Daily News Bulletin, January 10, 2003.
[9]
Vladislav Vorobyev, "Sushi mnogo ne byvayet," Rossiyskaya
gazeta, http://www.rg.ru, January 13,
2003.
[10] Interfax, January 16,
2003.
[11] Russian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs Daily News Bulletin, January 13,
2003.
[12] "Aleksandr Losyukov:
'Osnovaniya dlya optimizma yest,'" Strana.ru,
http://www.strana.ru/stories/02/04/27/2938/169419.html, January 21,
2003.
[13] See, for instance, Vasiliy
Mikheyev, "Kim Chen Ir podstavil Putina," Vremya novostey,
January 10, 2003, p. 5, in Oborona i bezopasnost, January 13,
2003.
[14] Aleksandr Samokhotkin, "Litsom k
litsy Pkhenyan ne uvidat," Vremya novostey online edition,
http://www.vremya.ru, January 22, 2003.
[15]
ITAR-TASS, December 23, 2002.
[16]
"Gennadiy Seleznev: SShA sami vinovaty, chto KNDR vozobnovlyayet yadernuyu
programmu," Strana.ru, http://www.strana.ru, December 23,
2002.
[17] ITAR-TASS, December 23,
2002.
[18] ITAR-TASS, December 23,
2002.
[19] ITAR-TASS, January 20,
2003.
[20] ITAR-TASS, January 22,
2003.
[21]
Ibid.
[22] ITAR-TASS, December 27,
2002.
[23] ITAR-TASS, December 27,
2002.
[24] Channel One TV, January 10, 2003,
in "Russian Minister says North Korea '50 years' away from
creating nuclear weapons," FBIS Document CEP20030110000360; German
Solomatin, "Russian atomic energy minister: N. Korea has no nuclear
weapons technology," ITAR-TASS, January 13, 2003, in FBIS Document
CEP20030113000302.
[25] Anatoliy Yurkin,
"KNDR deklariruyet tolko mirnuyu napravlennost svoyey yadernoy programmy,
zayavil ministr RF po atomnoy energii," ITAR-TASS, January 13,
2003.
[26] American intelligence officials,
as cited in Steven Lee Myers, "Moscow is Negotiating with North Korean
Officials in Quiet Effort to Defuse Tensions," New York Times,
http://www.nytimes.com, January 12,
2003.
[27] Myers, "Moscow is
Negotiating with North Korean Officials in Quiet Effort to Defuse
Tensions;" Barry Schweid, "U.S. Ambassador Says Russia is 'in
Denial' on North Korean Threat," Associated Press, January 9,
2003.
[28] Interfax, December 27,
2002.
[29] German Solomatin, "Russian
atomic energy minister: N. Korea has no nuclear weapons technology,"
ITAR-TASS, January 13, 2003, in FBIS Document
CEP20030113000302.
[30] Yurkin, "KNDR
deklariruyet tolko mirnuyu napravlennost svoyey yadernoy programmy, zayavil
ministr RF po atomnoy energii."
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