Summer 2005 • Volume 12 • Number 2
Abstracts
Articles
The 2005 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference: Mission Impossible?
John Simpson and Jenny Nielsen
The 2005 Review
Conference of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)
failed to produce any agreed action plan for addressing nuclear disarmament or
proliferation. Detailed discussions and negotiations on such a plan were much
curtailed because of procedural wrangles. This article describes the evolution
of the conference and argues that changes in the international political
environment and problems inherent in the revised NPT review process agreed at
its 1995 Extension Conference contributed to the meager outcome. The main issues
raised by delegations in their plenary statements, working papers, and the
limited time available for interactive discussion are summarized, and three
perspectives are offered on the reasons for the lack of any substantive product.
Finally, the implications of that failure for the NPT, its review process, the
wider regime for international nuclear governance, and nuclear disarmament,
nuclear nonproliferation, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy are
examined.
[top]
The Proliferation Security Initiative: The Asia-Pacific Context
Andrew Newman and Brad Williams
The Asia-Pacific is emerging as
a critical region in the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction. The Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) is an aggressive global
strategy designed to interdict the transport of these weapons and associated
technologies. However, some observers have suggested that the
''Asia-Pacific'' has given the PSI a less than
enthusiastic reception. The authors posit a more sanguine view. They caution
against taking such a holistic approach to the
''Asia-Pacific.'' Asia does not speak with one voice
when it comes to security, and opposition to the PSI is not as widespread nor
deep-rooted as may have been anticipated. In addition, the PSI's informal
structure encourages flexibility, enabling states to participate in certain
activities while eschewing others that may be technically or politically
untenable.
[top]
Viewpoint
Space Weapons and Proliferation
Michael Krepon with Michael Katz-Hyman
The prospect for an arms
race figures prominently in the arguments of boosters and detractors of space
warfare. However, the most likely outcome of U.S. plans to place weapons in
space is not an arms race, but a further degradation of the Treaty on the
Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and an increase in the amount of
proliferation. Both China and Russia are likely to respond to any U.S. space
weapons with inexpensive space weapons and a cessation of cooperative
nonproliferation programs. During the Cold War, space warfare was avoided due to
the detrimental effects such weapons would have on the physical and political
environment. Today, these same effects can be seen through the prism of
proliferation.
[top]
India and the New Look of U.S. Nonproliferation Policy
William C. Potter
U.S. nuclear export policy has undergone
major transformations since 1945, and the most recent change, as expressed in
the July 18, 2005, India-U.S. Joint Statement, represents an especially
significant shift in policy. The document reverses more than a quarter century
of U.S. declaratory policy, suggesting that the current U.S. administration
regards nuclear proliferation to be both inevitable and perhaps even favorable.
This article investigates this policy shift, looking at the history of U.S.
nuclear export policy and the potential ramifications of the new policy on the
Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). The author also
touches on the potential effects of the Joint Statement on Indian-Pakistani
relations. Finally, it is suggested that it is not too late for India and the
United States to change the new policy with more consideration for the NPT and
the Nuclear Suppliers Group initiative.
[top]
Preventive Attacks against Nuclear Programs and the "Success" at Osiraq
Dan Reiter
Advocates of the
preventive use of force against emerging nuclear, biological, or chemical
programs often look to the allegedly successful 1981 Israeli airstrike against
Iraqi nuclear facilities at Osiraq. According to the conventional wisdom, this
attack may have prevented Iraq from going nuclear before Operation Desert Storm
in 1991. This article assesses the claim that the 1981 attack substantially
delayed Iraqi acquisition of nuclear weapons, both by revisiting older debates
and by introducing new evidence from Iraqi defectors. The article casts doubt on
the conclusion that the attack was successful, for three reasons: 1) the reactor
itself was not well equipped to generate plutonium for a nuclear weapon; 2)
likely illegal plutonium production would have caused a cutoff in the supply of
nuclear fuel and an end to weapons activities; and 3) the attack may have
actually increased Saddam's commitment to acquiring weapons. These
conclusions have implications for the Bush Doctrine, as the lack of success in
1981 casts doubt on the possible success of future attacks against nuclear
programs.
[top]
The Exercise of National Sovereignty: The Bush Administration's Approach to Combating Weapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation
Jofi Joseph
Skeptics of the Bush administration have
castigated the latter's strong aversion to formal international agreements
in responding to the threat of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
(WMD), citing unilateral actions as the default alternative. Yet this critique
misses the growing emergence of a conscious framework guiding the
administration's actions: an emphasis on the exercise of national
sovereignty and the corollary principle of sovereign responsibility. Rejecting
the paradigm of arms control as the answer to WMD proliferation, the current
administration instead advocates a toolkit of alternative mechanisms based on
the full exercise by individual nation states of their domestic authorities and
rights under international law, acting in their capacities as responsible
citizens of the global community. This paper will examine that philosophical
approach and its concrete application through the following policies: 1) the
Proliferation Security Initiative; 2) enforcement of national laws and
regulations as exemplified by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540
and the U.S. proposals for consideration by Biological Weapons Convention
signatories; and 3) preemptive warfare to disarm the WMD programs of a
threatening state.
[top]
Report
Is Taiwan Getting Serious about Export Controls?
Mark Wuebbels
Taiwan's international status
is such that the country's ability to trade and to supply certain goods
and technologies remains its primary means of practicing diplomacy and asserting
international influence. U.S. pressure to conform to international
nonproliferation standards has made the issue of export controls a troubling one
for Taiwan. Limiting Taiwan's economic relations affects its ability to
sustain itself economically and to maintain productive relations with other
nations. On the other hand, as a recipient of U.S. high-technology transfers and
security assurances, Taiwan cannot ignore the directives of the United States.
The article focuses on this dilemma and how a shift in power to the Democratic
Progressive Party is affecting Taiwan's choice between placing limitations
on its global economic power or risking being cut off from U.S. technology and
losing U.S. security assurances. In order to address this challenge properly,
Taiwan will need to reassess its fundamental economic and security
interests.
[top]
Statements of fact and opinion expressed in The Nonproliferation
Review are the responsibility of the authors alone and do not imply the endorsement of the editors,
the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, or the Monterey Institute of International Studies.
The Nonproliferation Review ISSN 1073-6700
Copyright © 2005 by Monterey Institute of International Studies