Fall/Winter 2001 • Volume 8 • Number 3
Abstracts
Articles
Israel and Chemical/Biological Weapons: History, Deterrence, and Arms Control
by Avner Cohen
In April
1948, David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, began recruiting
East European Jewish scientists to work on unconventional weapons and other
projects. A 30-year old epidemiologist and colonel in the Soviet Army named
Avraham Marcus Klingberg was among the first recruits. Klingberg became one of
Israel's leading scientists in the area of chemical and biological weapons
(CBW). He helped found the Israel Institute of Biological Research (IIBR) in
Ness Ziona, a dozen miles southeast of Tel Aviv. Decades later in 1983,
Klingberg, was secretly arrested, tried, and convicted as a Soviet spy. The
subsequent disclosure of the Klingberg espionage case, the impact of the 1991
Gulf War, and revelations about the Iraqi CBW program, have aroused public
curiosity and speculation regarding Israeli CBW capabilities. Yet details about
Israeli CBW programs--their history, strategic rationale, and technical
capabilities--remain shrouded in secrecy.
In this article, Dr.
Avner Cohen of the University of Maryland attempts to penetrate the "black
box" of the Israeli CBW programs. Using open sources, he recounts the
evolution of Israeli attitudes and perceptions of non-conventional weaponry.
Cohen traces, decodes, and interprets Israeli history, attitudes, and current
capabilities in the area of CBW, especially biological weapons. Cohen examines
Israeli CBW policy in the broader context of Israeli defense policy, deterrence,
and arms control, vis-à-vis both Iraq and other hostile states in the
region. Cohen concludes with a consideration of the Israeli approach to CBW arms
control and disarmament, and analyzes how accession to the Biological Weapons
Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention would affect Israeli security and
economic interests.
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Management, Abolition, and Nullification: Nuclear Nonproliferation Strategies in the 21st Century
by Robert Ayson
As the 21st century opens, the international community must
choose how to address the challenge of nuclear proliferation. Roughly speaking,
there are three main strategies available for tackling these challenges. One is
the "management" strategy, which relies upon arms control,
especially the 1968 Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The
second is the "abolition" strategy, which seeks complete nuclear
disarmament. The third is the "nullification" strategy that
advocates military counter-measures, such as missile defense, to cancel out the
threats that arise from proliferation.
Robert Ayson, of Massey University
in New Zealand, analyzes the prospects of these three traditional approaches to
nonproliferation, assessing their key successes and failures as well as their
current support. Ayson also considers the prospects for mixed strategies,
including the potential for cooperation between missile defense advocates, who
espouse a variant of the nullification strategy, and disarmament advocates, who
seek abolition. Although these approaches seem incompatible, Ayson argues that
a close examination reveals potential synergies that deserve further study.
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Limited War and Nuclear Escalation in South Asia
by V.R. Raghavan
The status of India and Pakistan as declared nuclear powers
has raised the risks of a nuclear exchange between them, if the two countries
engage in a large military conflict. The political leadership in both countries
does not seem to fully grasp the implications of nuclear weapons in relation to
the ongoing conflict in Kashmir. This conflict, which has triggered three wars
in the past, could lead to a limited war between India and Pakistan.
In
this article, Lieutenant General V.R. Raghavan (retired), a director at the
Dehli Policy Group who served as Indian Director-General of Military Operations
from 1992 to 1994, analyzes the potential for a limited Indian-Pakistani war
over Kashmir to escalate into a nuclear conflict. Raghavan examines how both
India and Pakistan plan to fight such a limited war. His analysis reveals
several elements of Indian and Pakistani military and nuclear doctrine that
would contribute to the rapid escalation of a limited war into a nuclear
conflict. Raghavan concludes that the risk of nuclear escalation has been
insufficiently appreciated in both New Dehli and Islamabad, and urges both
countries to reexamine their policies and take steps to reduce the risk of
nuclear escalation.
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Viewpoints
Multilateralism and the Future of the Global Nuclear Nonproliferation Regime
by Jayantha Dhanapala
Today, many observers of the international scene
are at loggerheads over some of the most fundamental principles by which the
world is to run--including the principles governing nuclear disarmament and
nonproliferation. This debate concerns the various ways in which such principles
are established and maintained, and can be characterized as a struggle between
unilateralism and multilateralism, the two leading approaches available to
states in pursuit of their ideals and interests.
In this viewpoint,
Jayantha Dhanapala, Under-Secretary General for Disarmament Affairs at the
United Nations, analyzes the contemporary debate between unilateralists and
multilateralists over the importance of international regimes, including the
global nuclear nonproliferation regime. Dhanapala examines the strengths and
shortcomings of both sides of this debate, and argues that if the global nuclear
nonproliferation regime is to be maintained, both sides must come to a new
realization about the common ground they share. Unilaterialists, Dhanapala
contends, must be convinced that progressive nuclear disarmament will reduce
external nuclear threats, although they also deserve credit for emphasizing the
importance of more effective verification and enforcement measures.
Multilateralists, Dhanapala concludes, must realize that norms do not enforce
themselves and work harder to ensure that global norms are effectively
translated into national policies.
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Thunder in the Air: Taiwan and Theater Missile Defense
by Wei-chin Lee
Military and missile exercises by the
People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1995-96, combined with its frequently
threatening military tactics since then, have reinforced Taiwanese insecurity in
recent years. Owing to geographic proximity and the constant political
tug-of-war over unification and separation between China and Taiwan, the Taiwan
Strait is a flashpoint for potential military conflict. It is also a region with
a high density of missile deployment. In this context, much recent debate about
Taiwanese national security policy has centered on the possible development of a
theater missile defense (TMD) system.
Professor Wei-chin Lee of Wake
Forest University first provides a brief review of the PRC missile threat to
Taiwan. He then outlines the basic elements of a potential Taiwanese TMD system,
and reviews the debate over possible TMD deployment currently taking place in
Taiwan. Lee analyzes the strategic implications of a potential Taiwanese TMD
system in the context of the cross-strait military balance, regional stability
in Asia, and the triangular U.S.-Taiwan-China relationship. On balance, Lee
concludes that the benefits of TMD for Taiwan would not outweigh its drawbacks,
and Taiwan should pursue alternative approaches to address the PRC missile
threat.
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New Approaches to Nonproliferation: Supplementing or Supplanting the Regime?
by Phillip C. Saunders
In the view of many in the United States, traditional nonproliferation
and arms control policies have failed to adequately address "hard
cases" such as North Korea, Iran, Iraq, India, and Pakistan. The result
has been a loss of confidence in traditional arms control and nonproliferation
measures and a search for new policies that may do a better job in protecting
against ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction.
Phillip C.
Saunders, Director of the East Asia Nonproliferation Program at the Center for
Nonproliferation Studies, reviews the unilateral nonproliferation and
counterproliferation measures including sanctions, missile defenses, and
counter-force targeting that are gaining increasing support in Washington as
alternatives to traditional arms control. While advocates claim unilateral
measures can supplement and reinforce traditional nonproliferation approaches,
Saunders points out that aggressive unilateral counterproliferation policies may
cause a breakdown in great power cooperation and weaken the broader
nonproliferation regime, possibly stimulating vertical and horizontal
proliferation. Pointing to such examples as UNSCOM, and multilateral efforts to
address North Korean WMD programs, Saunders contends that enhanced great power
cooperation would be a more effective alternative to traditional arms control
than unilateral measures. He concludes, however, that if other great powers hope
to reverse the U.S. trend toward unilateral policies, they will have to make
great power cooperation more effective in dealing with the hard cases.
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Reports
Strengthening Nuclear Security Against Terrorists and Thieves Through Better Training
by George Bunn, Fritz Steinhausler, and Lyudmila Zaitseva
The September 11, 2001 attacks on
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon showed the world that well-organized
terrorist groups bent on mass destruction and mass murder are no longer
hypothetical. If such terrorists could acquire weapons-usable nuclear material,
there can now be little doubt that they would not hesitate to use nuclear
weapons. If they could disperse radioactivity across a city by attacking a
nuclear reactor with a truck bomb or building a radiation dispersal device, they
would very likely do so. Measures taken to secure nuclear materials and nuclear
installations must be adequate to meet this threat.
In this report,
Professor George Bunn of Stanford University, Professor Fritz Steinhausler of
the University of Salzburg in Austria, and Lyudmila Zaitseva of the National
Nuclear Center of Kazakhstan review the need to strengthen protection of nuclear
materials and nuclear reactors against terrorists and thieves. They examine the
need for better training of those charged with protection responsibilities to
meet this challenge, suggesting that security practices vary significantly from
country to country, possibly giving thieves and terrorists opportunities to
steal nuclear material or to sabotage nuclear facilities. To counter these forms
of terrorism, the authors argue, increased international cooperation is required
to improve protection practices around the world for weapons-usable material and
for nuclear facilities. According to the authors, international cooperation
should focus on: establishing new legally binding treaty standards for physical
protection of nuclear materials and nuclear facilities; raising awareness that
current national physical protection practices are often inadequate to meet
existing threats; and improving the training of both physical protection
specialists and policymakers.
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Statements of fact and opinion expressed in The Nonproliferation
Review are the responsibility of the authors alone and do not imply the endorsement of the editors,
the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, or the Monterey Institute of International Studies.
The Nonproliferation Review ISSN 1073-6700
Copyright © 2001 by Monterey Institute of International Studies