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Updated: Sep 24, 2009
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Sweden's Lukewarm Interest in Nonproliferation and Disarmament
Author:
Johan Bergenäs
(This article originally appeared in Sydsvenskan on September 24, 2009 and was originally written in Swedish)
Posted: September 24, 2009 Today, for the first time in the history of the United Nations, a United States president is chairing a Security Council meeting. The subject matter during this ordinary session of the UN governing organ is also unprecedented as nonproliferation and disarmament are on the agenda. The meeting hence represents another step by the Obama administration to place the vision of a nuclear weapons free world high on the global political agenda. The international community has, with few exceptions, embraced Obama's pragmatic approach to reaching that goal. Sweden, however, despite having played important nonproliferation and disarmament roles in the past, seems to currently be sitting on the sidelines. This trend has become increasingly apparent over the last few years. In September 2008, Sweden did not join those countries in the Nuclear Suppliers Group that raised serious concerns about granting an exemption to the organization's rules to allow exports of nuclear fuel and technology to India. The 45-member group had not previously permitted the trading of these goods with the South Asian country because it is not a party to the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (NPT) and does not accept the International Atomic Energy Agency's comprehensive full-scope safeguards. Also, previously this year, the Swedish center-right government cut funding to the Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission chaired by Hans Blix. The Blix Commission was established in 2003 because of the perceived increased risk of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to states and terrorist organizations. That risk is as great or greater today. New regional arms races loom in a world where rogue nations try to develop nuclear weapons and terrorist organizations seek to steal them. Allowing the Blix Commission to continue its work spreading knowledge and putting pressure on governments worldwide would have been money well spent by the Swedish government. Further, a few months ago, in May, during the NPT Preparatory Conference in New York City, Sweden was a ghost of its former self and did not participate as actively as in previous years. This behavior is in stark contrast to its actions in the 2000 NPT Review Conference, during which Stockholm, together with other countries in the New Agenda Coalition (NAC), helped break the deadlock and push through a 13-step disarmament plan. Today, Sweden seems to have lost interest in advocating for implementation of the 13 steps and its strong leadership in the NAC has all but vanished. Sweden also does not engage to the same extent over the issue of abolishing tactical nuclear weapons despite that the Swedish government was among the first countries to raise the issue in the 1990s. The most recent example of Sweden's lukewarm interest in nonproliferation and disarmament is Sweden's decision not to prioritize the issue during its European Union presidency. Granted, Sweden focuses on other important issues such as climate change, the global financial crisis and transnational criminality. Yet it is nevertheless difficult to believe that there is no room for nonproliferation and disarmament on the agenda. Especially since the necessary leadership and commitment appear to exist on both sides of the Atlantic and beyond. For the first time in over two decades there are real opportunities to take pragmatic steps toward a world free of nuclear weapons. The world needs Sweden in that endeavor and the Swedish government must therefore return to a steadfast posture and clear nonproliferation and disarmament policies. The next chance for Sweden to show that it is determined to return to full fledged white-knight-state status is next year's 2010 NPT Review Conference. The work to that end by the Swedish government needs to begin now. |
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