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Governmental Proposals
The main venue for governmental space arms control
proposals is the
United Nations (UN). More
specifically, the
UN General
Assembly (UNGA) votes on all proposed resolutions and
within the UNGA, the
UN
First Committee (Disarmament and International
Security) provides a forum for plenary discussion on
disarmament and security issues. Multilateral disarmament
negotiations based on issues that are brought forth during
UN First Committee meetings occur within the
Conference on
Disarmament (CD) in Geneva. Decisions are made in the CD
by consensus. Occasionally, space arms control issues are
also raised in the
UN
Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization),
although its space discussions are usually limited to space
exploration.
Since 2002, there have been two primary space arms control proposals
discussed within the CD: a treaty banning space weapons and the creation of an
ad hoc committee to either negotiate such a treaty or simply discuss space
arms control issues. China and Russia have led the initiative for a treaty
banning space weapons. China, in particular, has insisted in the past that any
PAROS (prevention of an arms race in outer space) ad hoc committee must
include the creation of such a treaty as its mandate. In order to check
potential U.S. weaponization of space through missile defense, China also
previously tied its agreement on negotiations for a Fissile-Material Cutoff
Treaty (a treaty the United States supported) to the negotiation of a PAROS
treaty.[3] The United States is the key opponent to a treaty banning space
weapons, but does favor the creation of a PAROS ad hoc committee, so long
as the committee's mandate is broad. Although there is general agreement on the
need for a PAROS ad hoc committee, differences over its proposed mandate
have continuously stalled consensus within the CD. In 2002, the Five
Ambassador's Initiative (A5 Proposal)
attempted to resolve the issue of the committee's mandate. In an attempt to
engage the United States, China has relaxed its stance on the tie between a
committee and a treaty in both 2002 and 2003.
Besides negotiations at the CD, deliberations on PAROS
within the UNGA have led to the annual adoption (since its
23rd session in 1968) of what is known today as the PAROS
resolution, calling on parties to use space for peaceful
purposes and oppose its weaponization.
In the UN
First Committee in December 2005, 160 countries voted in
favor of adopting PAROS resolution
A/RES/60/54,
with Israel abstaining and the United States the sole
country to vote against it, much to the surprise of the
council. The United States chose to vote against the
PAROS resolution, despite having abstained since the
resolution was first introduced in 1995, explaining that the
current system governing outer space use is sufficient since
there is no arms race in space.[4]
Due to the continuing stalemate on the PAROS work program
within the CD, any PAROS resolutions adopted in the UNGA
provide little more than a reflection of the consensus on
the need to address the space arms control issue.
In October 2005 the
Russian delegation introduced a new resolution
(A/C.1/60/L.30/Rev.1)
to the First Committee,
"Measures to Promote Transparency and Confidence Building in
Outer Space," which enjoyed similar support from the
international community. However, the United States
voted against the draft and Israel again abstained.
C ountry Statements
For space arms
control announcements that have been made since 2002, please
click on the given link to find statements listed by
country.
Outer Space
Arms Control Proposals
Listed below are the main arms control proposals relating to
outer space that have been made in the CD.
Treaty Banning Space Weapons
On June 28, 2002, the Chinese and Russian delegations submitted the working
paper entitled, "Possible
Elements for a Future International Legal Agreement on the Prevention of the
Deployment of Weapons in Outer Space, the Threat or Use of Force Against Outer
Space Objects," (CD/1679) to the CD. The working paper provided the
framework for a new international agreement and was co-sponsored by Belarus,
Indonesia, Syria, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe. Opposition came mainly from the
United States. Former U.S. Permanent
Representative to the CD, Ambassador Eric Javits, declared to the CD in June
2002, "The United States sees no need for new outer space arms control
agreements and opposes the idea of negotiating a new outer space treaty."[1]
Since the
introduction of this working paper, Russia and China have
invited suggestions, which have been gathered and form the
basis of a paper entitled Compilation
of comments and suggestions to the
working paper CD/1679. This paper was originally
released to the conference in July of 2003.
Additionally, they have presented three non-papers that
address various aspects of the proposed treaty. Existing
international legal instruments and prevention of the
weaponization of outer space, Verification
aspects of PAROS, and Definition
issues regarding legal instruments on the prevention of the
weaponization of outer space are all intended to
generate further debate and have been suggested as a
possible basis of work for the PAROS Ad Hoc
committee.
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PAROS Ad Hoc Committee
The Five Ambassadors' Initiative (A5
Proposal)
On August 8, 2002, ambassadors representing Algeria, Belgium, Chile,
Columbia, and Sweden proposed to the CD the establishment of an ad hoc
committee on PAROS "to identify and examine, without limitation and without
prejudice, any specific proposals, which could include confidence-building or
transparency measures, general principles, treaty commitments and the
elaboration of a regime capable of preventing an arms race in outer space."[2]
The Five Ambassadors' Initiative (CD/1693), or "A5
Proposal", was introduced at the end of the 57th session of UNGA in 2002,
and due to the fact that proposals still requiring consensus are not carried
over between work sessions, the A5 Proposal
was put on the shelf until the 58th UNGA convened and it was reintroduced in
2003. The Five Ambassadors' Initiative attempted to break the deadlock in the CD
mainly by providing a compromise for the Chinese and U.S. delegations.
The A5 Proposal was notably revised in
June of 2003 (CD/1693/Rev.1) to include reference to "the possibility of
negotiating relevant international legal instrument." This revision is the
basis of current debate for the A5 Proposal.
Chinese and U.S. Stalemate
The deadlock between the United States and China is the primary reasons space
arms control proposals have stalled the work program of the CD. China has
historically demanded that a new treaty be clearly stated as one of the goals of
any future ad hoc committee established on PAROS. However,
according to Ambassador Javits, the United States "cannot support any draft
mandate that attempts to bias the work of the future ad hoc committee toward a particular goal or outcome...."[1]
In June 2002, China no longer insisted on a negotiating mandate for the ad
hoc committee on PAROS and proposed instead that relevant work should be
conducted "with a view to negotiating a relevant international legal instrument"
(contained in CD/1682).[4] However, the United States did not agree with this
approach, and the CD could not reach consensus.[4] On August 7, 2003, Ambassador
Hu Xiaodi stated to the Conference on Disarmament,
"In order for the CD to restart its substantive work and taking into
consideration the concerns of relevant sides, China would like to
demonstrate flexibility once again. China accepts the mandate of the PAROS
Ad Hoc committee as proposed and tabled by the Five Ambassadors on June 26
and is prepared to join the consensus on the
A5 initiative on the program of work (CD/1693, with the new wording as
amended on June 26). It is our hope that other relevant sides respond
positively to Chinas constructive attitude, so that the CD could start
substantive work as early as possible."[5]
Despite the
compromise by the Chinese delegation, there was no immediate
response from the U.S. delegation, and the stalemate has
persisted.[6]
Attempts to break
the stalemate
In September of
2005, Peru, CD President at the time, put forth a proposal (CD
1757) similar to the
A5 initiative that drops the clause related to
negotiating an international legal instrument. It
appears that it does not enjoy as widespread support as the
revised A5 Proposal, and China has indicated it cannot
support the proposal given the weakened language and the
concessions it has already made.
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[1] Statement by Ambassador Eric Javits to the Conference on
Disarmament, document CD/PV.907, June 27, 2002.
[2] "Conference on Disarmament Hears Statements of Support for Proposal of
the "Five Ambassadors," UN press release, September 3, 2002,
http://www.unog.ch/news2/documents/newen/dc0235e.htm.
[3] "Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT)," Nuclear Threat Initiative
website,
http://www.nti.org/db/china/fmctorg.htm.
[4] Rebecca Johnson, "Enhanced Participation and
Politicking: Report on the 2005 UN First Committee,"
Disarmament Diplomacy 81 (Winter 2005),
http://www.acronym.org.uk/dd/dd81/81unfc.htm. [4] "UN Conference on Disarmament: Chronology 2002," Institute for Defense
and Disarmament Studies website,
http://www.idds.org/acr2003/805bCD02.html.
[5]Statement by Ambassador Hu Xiaodi to the Conference on Disarmament,
August 7, 2003
[6] Wade Boese, "Chinese Concession Fails to End UN disarmament Conference's
Stalemate," Arms Control Today 33, No. 8,
http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2003_10/CD.asp.{Revised
4/24/2006}
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